Texas cops refused to send escort to Biden bus

[ancianita]

72. Okay. Well, here's an idea: It's true, as Irish_Dem says, "Still open season on Dems in Texas"

and "Almost 60 years since JFK was killed there."

I was agreeing that it's still as open season on Dems as it was 60 years since JFK was killed there, and even before he was killed there, when Kennedy chose TX Senator Lyndon Baines Johnson as his VP running mate.

Below, I posted sources that show how TX had it in for Kennedy.

https://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/16/upshot/kennedy-lbj-and-a-disputed-deer-hunt.html

https://news.utexas.edu/2013/11/18/why-jfk-died-in-dallas/

During the 1960 campaign, Kennedy confronted the persistent strain of anti-Catholic bigotry that surfaced since the days of the Know-Nothing Party in the mid-19th century, which promised to purify American politics of Catholic or other immigrant influence deemed to be alien.

In Texas, the Baptist convention passed a resolution "cautioning members against voting for a Roman Catholic candidate" – a measure echoed across a handful of other states – buoyed by the argument that a Catholic president would put loyalty to the Pope ahead of loyalty to the United States. Just weeks after his election, a virulently anti-Catholic retired postal worker tried to assassinate Kennedy in Florida

After the botched Bay of Pigs invasion, Kennedy became a curse word among many Cuban exiles who blamed the president for abandoning their brothers on the beaches to Fidel Castro. Even a half-century later, the community's anger continues.

On the flip-side of the aisle, the far-Right wing John Birch Society mouthpiece, American Opinion, accused Kennedy of "shameless intimidation, bribery, and blackmail" which compelled "weaklings in Congress to approve treasonable acts designed to disarm us and make us the helpless prey of the affiliated criminals and savages of the United Nations".

President Kennedy also confronted the forerunners of the modern "patriot group" militia movement, warning that "armed bands of civilian guerrillas that are more likely to supply local vigilantes than national vigilance".

And days before Kennedy's assassination, thousands of fliers were distributed in downtown Dallas, featuring a mugshot photo of Kennedy over the words "Wanted for Treason."

https://www.thedailybeast.com/hating-kennedy

And then there was doubt within and about LBJ himself.

And there were strategic reasons for him to call Bobby. Even in this first hour after John F. Kennedy’s death, Lyndon Johnson seems to have had feelings that would torment him for the rest of his life—feelings understandable in any man placed in the Presidency not through an election but through an assassin’s bullet, and feelings exacerbated, in his case, by the contrast, and what he felt was the world’s view of the contrast, between him and the President he was replacing; by the contempt in which he had been held by the people around the President; and by the stark geographical fact of where the act elevating him to office had taken place.

Recalling his feelings years later, in retirement, he said that, even after he had taken the oath, “for millions of Americans I was still illegitimate, a naked man with no presidential covering, a pretender to the throne, an illegal usurper. And then there was Texas, my home, the home of . . . the murder. . . . And then there were the bigots and the dividers and the Eastern intellectuals, who were waiting to knock me down before I could even begin to stand up.”

He seems to have felt even in this first hour that the best way to legitimatize his ascent to the throne, to make himself seem less like a usurper, would be to demonstrate that his ascent had the support of his predecessor’s family. The decision to be sworn in immediately, in Dallas, instead of waiting until he returned to Washington, had been made, but he wanted that decision to be approved by the man whose approval would carry the most weight.

There were, of course, reasons for him not to call Robert Kennedy, reasons for him to obtain the information he wanted from someone else—from anyone else. The questions he asked—could the swearing in take place in Dallas? what was the wording of the oath? who could administer it?—were not complicated questions, and could have been answered by any one of a hundred government officials...

Kennedy called Katzenbach, saying, “They want to swear him in right away, in Texas. That’s not necessary, is it?” “No, not necessary,” Katzenbach replied. And when Kennedy asked who could swear him in, Katzenbach said, “Anyone who can administer an oath,” a category that included any federal judge or hundreds of other government officials; the place or the exact time of the swearing in didn’t matter. “You become President when the President dies—that’s accepted. It’s not a question.”

“My parents completely accept you as family. They just don’t like you.”
Katzenbach later said that he agreed that an immediate swearing in, while not necessary, was desirable, “given its symbolic significance.” But he was “absolutely stunned” that Johnson had made the call to Bobby Kennedy so soon after his brother’s death. Any number of federal officials could have given Johnson the information he was seeking, he said. “He could have called me. I was in my office.” He felt that Johnson might have made the call because “he may have wanted to be absolutely sure that there wouldn’t be an explosion from Bobby’s end”—wanted to insure that Bobby would not later say that the immediate swearing in showed a lack of respect for the dead President. But, he said, given Bobby’s “feelings about Johnson, and about his brother,” the fact that Johnson called Bobby so soon after his brother’s death “frankly appalled” him. “Calling Bobby was really wrong.”

https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2012/04/02/the-transition

And then there's today:



So if you still have no idea, I don't know what more to tell you.